The
cautious and skeptical thinker Kari Popper (1902-1994),
who was highly mistrustful of every kind of Utopianism
that tended towards the totalitarian,
(1) never ceased to say that primary
schools, especially, must offer the highest quality
teaching and the best care, because the course set and
the support given in early years are crucial to every
individual's future. Because of the intensity demanded
of them, teachers in primary schools should therefore
earn at least as much as those in secondary schools
or universities; if they should lose their dedication,
it would be sensible to help them switch to other professions,
he believed. Similarly, Hans Magnus Enzensberger also
had alternatives to common educational practice in mind
when he wrote his “Plea in Favor of Private Tutors"
(“Plädoyer für den Hauslehrer“,
1982), which propagated doing away with school buildings
to a great extent, and creating flexible budgets for
mobile, untrammeled project teaching in small groups
that would meet here and there – in homes, parks,
museums and cafés. (2)
What became symptomatic of education systems, however,
was tedious, day-to-day routine. For even in countries
which had become increasingly wealthy, initiatives to
totally rethink educational methods and their effect
on students' ideas about life and to introduce radical
alternatives have continually fizzled out due to firmly
entrenched school bureaucracies (including well-cemented
school book cartels). Occasional interdisciplinary projects,
personal computers, Internet expectations and an ostentatious
thriftiness of the public sector, it seems, are considered
adequate perspectives.
In contrast, the legendary Russian era of upheaval,
despite its chaos, poverty, diffuse hopes, completely
different needs, and a heterogeneity of ideas which
were pitilessly canalized but also reversed by self-censure,
has become highly significant for the development of
radically modern ideas. Its relicts – and books
for children should be taken just as seriously as other
important projects – can make us aware of what
was culturally possible in a short time under the most
difficult conditions and, moreover, what transformations
resulted from this. In some ways the initial situation
corresponds to the conditions of poverty and devastation
still existing in large parts of the world today, whether
in Odessa, Calcutta, Cairo, Belgrade or Brooklyn. Even
now, after the dissolution of the official East-West
polarization, visualizing the past is still, not least
because of the mutual after-effects of decades of Cold
War propaganda on both sides, only possible by attempting
partial reconstructions.
If we follow the reasoning and detailed cultural analyses
of an expert on Russia like Boris Groys, we see that
a plausible interpretation of the developments there
can only be found if, instead of glorifying their beginnings,
which of course had their heroic moments, we take into
account “the artistic project of the era prior
to Stalin and the Stalin era, namely the building up
of a new life, and at the same time the artistic project
of the present, the project of reflecting upon this
experiment". According to Groys, popular views
of there having been a radical break only strengthen
the “myth of the innocence of the avant-garde",
isolating it from the actual historical process. And
the idea of progressing “from portraying the world
to changing it", that is, the “avant-garde's
dream of organizing all of societal life according to
an overall artistic plan", was the driving force
behind the paramount currents of what was still experimental
thought around 1920, but just as much behind the stringently
systematized phases which followed, even though the
results were entirely different from what had been originally
intended. (3)
The title of the MAK exhibition “Shili-Byii"
– "Once Upon a Time" –, which
presents books and magazines for children, mainly from
the early decades of the 20th century in the Soviet
Union, is not merely an allusion to fairy tales; there
is also the definite implication that fairy tales should
come true – but, at the same time, that they need
not necessarily have a happy ending.
For example, in the sparsely texted children's book
“Two Squares: A Suprematist Tale. In 6 Constructions“
conceived by El Lissitzky (1890-1941) in 1920, which
is part of the MAK Library and Works on Paper Collection,
a black square and a red square fly to earth from outer
space to errect a new order. The struggle for the best
solution ends after twenty pages with the disappearance
of the black square; the red one remains, as a basis
for things to come. The building instructions for constructing
the new order consist in the simple message "further"
– as an expression of the utopia of uninterrupted
motion. Good and evil are presented to children through
a finely tuned, abstract use of geometric forms, which
avoids any type of personification and leaves a great
deal open to the imagination. Religious dualisms remain
latent, but take an active part in life on earth. Malevich's
famous "Black Square" (1913/1915) no longer
rests contemplatively within itself, but becomes part
of a story. Malevich's terse language formula for his
"black square" is: "the square = feeling,
the white field = the 'nothingness' outside of this
feeling.“ (4)
El Lissitzky's extension of this is as obvious as references
to his earlier efforts to revive secular Jewish culture
through his children's books. What became the determining
element in the intensive phases of these processes was
the fixed idea of creating preconditions for building
the world anew: with completely new signs, with an entirely
new "alphabet", with the Old and New Testament
and the Communist Manifesto – as intermediary
stages – and Malevich's "Suprematism"
as the final stage, as a future beyond human intellectual
capacity, in which universal energies could be released
to create a completely new way of life (Supremus = the
highest; "Suprematism – The Non-Objective
World", 1922). (5)
"The avant-garde itself was fully aware of the
sacral significance of its practice", adds Boris
Groys. The "Black Square", after all, first
appeared in a collectively written, futuristic mystery
play, "Victory over the Sun" (1913), the subject
of which was "the artificial sun over a new culture,
a new technological world".
(6) The decisive factor for the temporary
radicalization of El Lissitzky, who was actually an
architect who had studied in Darmstadt, was a brief
collaboration with Malevich at the public art academy
in Vitebsk, a collaboration which Marc Chagall, who
as cultural commissioner of the region had founded the
academy in his home town, permitted, even though he
did not think much of their efforts. The idea of extending
their color-space concepts to three dimensions and multi-dimensional
realities, and even of introducing this way of thinking
in highly advanced categories of time to children, was
an expression of this quite uncompromising maximalism.
At the same time, however, opposing ideas were already
being strongly articulated which were increasingly prohibitive
towards "independents" as well as towards
any "leftist" artists whose radicalism made
them vulnerable to attack. This massive new movement
considered a proletarian orientation towards the production
of designs for the production process and pictures that
were easily understandable to be more useful to Soviet
society.
Viadimir Nabokov (1899-1977), who had grown up in what
he called a "richly and intensively" cultured
environment in St. Petersburg had, from the beginning,
no faith in the possibilities propagated by the new
regime; the entire family emigrated in 1919. In "Speak,
Memory", he recalls how with very few exceptions,
all the liberally-oriented creative thinkers –
poets, novelists, critics, historians, philosophers
etc. – left the Russia of Lenin and Stalin. Those
who remained, he writes, either withered away or ruined
their talent by conforming to the political demands
of the state, for after most of the intellectuals had
either fled the country or had been liquidated, the
Bolsheviks succeeded, in a very short time, in doing
what had been impossible for the Czars: subjugating
people's minds completely and making them bend to the
government's will. (7)
Even those who at first were interested in the ideas
of the Soviet state soon realized that emigration was
the more promising option. Vassily Kandinsky (1866-1944),
after having worked in the Commissariat of Public Enlightenment
and having headed the "Free State Art Workshop"
and the "Museum for Painting Culture", finally
made this choice in 1921; Naum Gabo (1890-1977) and
Marc Chagall (1887-1985) left one year later. Malevich
(1879-1935), who returned to representational painting
in 1928, Tatlin (1885-1953) and Rodshenko (1891-1956)
remained ... Mayakovsky committed suicide in 1930; his
funeral turned into a radical manifesto. El Lissitzky
collaborated with Tatlin and the Constructivists –
later disparaged by Malevich as "engineers of machine
art" – in Moscow, went to Germany again in
1921, and later considered himself a representative
of progressive Russian art in the West, but returned
often to Moscow to work and teach and died there in
1941. Tatlin's famous design for a "Monument to
the Third International" (1919/1920), later reconstructed
as a model in Stockholm (1968), London (1971) and Moscow
(1976), had been criticized by Leo Trotsky – who
was declared an enemy of the state in 1929 – for
its lack of functionality and, consequently, beauty,
particularly in comparison to the Eiffel Tower.
(8) The "First Russian Art Exhibition"
in Berlin in 1922 had still given the impression that
in the long term the direction taken would actually
be determinant for all major developments.
Despite the pressures from outside which began very
soon after the revolution, including massive military
interventions in the civil war, and despite the rigid
policy directed against "class enemies" and
"deviants" on the domestic front, instances
of international cooperation continually occurred on
many levels. Particularly impressive, especially in
view of the world-wide economic depression of the time,
were the active attempts to mobilize know-how, to institute
classless modernity or to create equal opportunities
for women. In architecture, urban planning, design,
typography, graphic art, film, theatre and even in adult
education and gigantic industrial projects, powerful
energy fields developed, which attracted international
interest. Le Corbusier built the Centrosoyus Palace
in Moscow (1930) and participated, alongside Watter
Gropius, Hans Poeizig, the Perret brothers or Naum Gabo
in the competition for designing the Soviet Palace (1931-1933),
in which 272 projects were entered from all over the
world. In 1935 Alvar Aalto designed the Finnish embassy
in Moscow. Hannes Meyer, dismissed from his position
as Bauhaus director for political reasons in 1930, moved
to the Soviet Union for several years, as did Margarete
Schütte-Lihotzky and Ernst May. The modernity of
the industrial sector in the USA, with the scientific
management of Taylorism and Henry Ford as models, was
considered worthy of emulation. In 1924 Stalin postulated
that the core of Leninism was a combination of Russian
revolutionary energy and American performance drive.
(9) American
manufacturers, industrial architects and engineering
consulting firms were involved to a great extent in
the intensive technology transfer that both sides later
preferred to keep shrouded in secrecy; in 1927 the Ford
company proudly announced that 85 per cent of all trucks
and tractors in Russia had been build by Ford.
(10) Up until the last days of the Soviet
Union, one of its declared goals – under the motto
"for a Bolshevik, nothing is impossible" –
was to surpass the USA economically, to make Russia
into a kind of "better America.
(12) Two of the declarations in the
Soviet constitution: "Everybody according to his
ability, everybody according to his work" and:
"Socially useful work and its results determine
a person's status in society" (article 14 of the
1977 version) have long fitted into the guidelines of
every corporate identity; we need only substitute the
name of the respective organization for "society".
It seems bitterly ironic that the children's book published
by Ossip Mandelstam (1891-1938) in 1926, which is included
in this exhibition, has the cryptic title "The
Kitchen" and is about a rich variety of food in
a hard-working world. The pictures show the stages of
cooking a sumptuous breakfast; a distinvtive wall clock
is intended to encourage industriousness and punctuality.
Since his first volume of poetry "Kamen" ("Storne",
1913), Mandelstam, who along with Nikolai Gumilev (executed
in 1921) and Anna Akhmatova (1889-1966) was one of the
foremost voices of "Acmeism" (which Mandelstam
once laconically defined as a "longing for world
literature", by which he also meant "world
culture"), had been pushed more and more outside
the main vein of Russian literature in the course of
the power struggles that ensued after Lenin's death
on January 21, 1924. He was arrested, banished, arrested
again for counterrevolutionary activities and died shortly
before the beginning of World War II on the way to the
notorious Siberian labor camps in Kolyma. According
to Mandelstam's widow Nadeshda, Stalin's demand that
nothing be published which deviated from the official
policy, which appeared as a simple letter in the newspaper
"Bolshevik" in 1930, sufficed to make it clear
to the activists of the Soviet apparatus, including
their artists, what course they had to follow. From
1932, as in Nazi Germany with its professional bans
and book-burnings, only writers who belonged to the
official Union of Soviet Writers were able to get their
work published; from 1934, socialist realism –
the "picture of the new people" – became
the prescribed doctrine to which all writers had to
conform. (12)
The fact that the illustration of children's books
was for a long time the official profession of some
of today's foremost artists such as llya Kabakov and
Erik Bulatov (both born in 1933) and that many writers
were able to publish "only" children's books,
could be taken as proof of how highly a sound education
for children was valued, but it is, above all, evidence
of possibilities for survival – children's books
as a refuge for absurd humor, humor as the unconquerable
opposing force of every kind of totalitarian.
(13) The illustrations by llya Kabakov
published in "Geology for Everyone" (Moscow,
1974; German edition "Geologie für jeden"
Berlin 1980; text: Anatoli F. Chlenov) in the Brezhnev
era show the world from its practical side; everywhere
ore and coal are being mined and oil drilled; the search
for natural resources by means of the most modern methods
using airplanes and satellites is presented to children
"from age eight and up" as a great achievement
of mankind.
Walter Benjamin, commenting on this type of belief
in progress during a visit to Moscow for several weeks
at the end of 1926 / beginning of 1927, noted: "removal
of the opposition from managing positions" –
"reactionary turn of the Party in cultural matters"
– "switch from revolutionary work to technical".
While in Moscow, Benjamin attended the theatre a great
deal and met with a number of leading figures of cultural
life. He was trying to decide whether he should join
the Communist Party like so many important intellectuals
of his time and was weighing the pros and cons: one
thing that spoke in favor of joining was "organized,
guaranteed contact with people", against it was
"the complete sacrifice of personal independence".
He was fascinated by things that other people did not
even notice. For example, he enthusiastically bought
Russian toys; he took the time to examine the children's
book collection of the state publishing house (Gosizdat);
his research also included an exhibition of drawings
by the mentally ill – all this obviously because
he was considering producing a documentary work on the
subject "The Imagination", which, however,
he never wrote." (14)
An American journalist made a major contribution to
the worldwide popularization of the revolution: it was
John Reed, who became a friend of Lenin, leader of the
"Communist Labor Party" in Chicago and a leading
member of the Communist International ("Ten Days
That Shook The World", 1919). He died in Moscow
of typhus in 1920. Later news reporters, such as Egon
Erwin Kisch, co-founder of the "Association of
Proletarian Revolutionary Authors", who died in
Prague in 1948, or Joseph Roth (who, as Waiter Benjamin
reports, came to Russia as an "[almost] dedicated
Bolshevik" and left it "as a royalist"
(15)), saw things less one-sidedly,
but usually with a modicum of curious sympathy. Bertolt
Brecht, who had visited the Soviet Union a number of
times, emigrated from his place of exile in Finland
in the spring of 1941, shortly before the German attack
on the USSR, without stopping longer than necessary
in Moscow, by way of the Trans-Siberian Railway and
then by ship to the USA. Soon accused of "un-American
activities", he left the country again in 1947,
at a time when the escape of NS war criminals (ranging
from Eichmann to "militant Catholics" such
as Ustasha fuehrer Ante Pavelic) from various countries
to overseas destinations, organized by anti-Communist
and anti-Semitic networks extending as far as the Vatican,
was in full swing. What had earlier seemed to be irreconcilable
fronts were forming new polarities.
The First World War, with its millions of dead, the
gassing, the violence of new weapons and the hopeless
situation that followed had been experienced as a previously
unimaginable rupture between old and new, which had
the lasting effect of reinforcing utopias as well as
brutal destruction, with a constant intermingling of
"right" and "left", of phrases and
terror, of people's power and fuehrer cults. Not only
in Russia, but also, briefly, in Budapest and in Munich,
so-called "Räterepubliken" appeared in
imitation of the soviets; the idea of liberal democracies
found little support; authoritarian power structures
– Mussolini, Stalin, Hitler, Japan – increasingly
gained the upper hand. The fact that with regard to
wealthier parts of Europe we can still speak of a century
characterized by social democracy (i.e. liberal welfare
states), makes it seem, in retrospect, as if a willingness
to compromise had led to a sublimation of earlier radicalism.
How the fascination with the Soviet Union, so widespread
at first, later became concentrated in a core of hardliners,
becoming a kind of tangible "otherness" in
a general cultural and political sense, an anti-capitalist,
but for the democratic left wing irrelevant, instance
of authority, is part of this story, analogous to the
latent revival of more or less radical "rightists",
who, in stereotyped fashion, have always considered
themselves a sort of moral reserve. However, any attempt
to use all the questionable currents and happenings
of the Soviet era, including its similarities with the
authoritarian and nationalistic power structures of
the West, the incredible show trials, the millions in
the camps of the Gulag, to counterbalance the horrors
of the other side is a negation of the immeasurable
suffering, from within and from without, of the population
in Russia at the time, and is a totally inadmissible
qualification of the aggressively expansionist, racist,
industrialized murder machinery of the Third Reich.
The European Union, extended in 2004 to the borders
of these regions of disaster, will require decades to
meet the challenge of achieving a truly sustainable
new positioning of relations and a stable economic balance.
From the Russian perspective, at any rate, there is
no lack of insights into the internal, ultimately irreversible
power play during the first phases of this development.
For because, according to Boris Groys, the Russian avant-garde,
unlike the powerless avant-garde of the West, had joined
forces with the Bolshevist regime and participated in
the "red terror" against the – as in
other places – "aesthetically conservative"
intelligentsia, which "at the time was a perfectly
normal, liberal, rather leftist and progressively oriented,
thoroughly civilized social class of the European type",
the "physical elimination of this class" could
be considered by the artists who were co-operating with
the regime to be a "clearing of the terrain for
their own work". Malevich, for instance, was pleased
"about the establishment of the dictatorship of
the artist over the artistic institutions, which allowed
him to force all of society to adopt a life within his
total art project". (16)
Nabokov considered such views to be mere wordplay, for
in his opinion, the more radically „a Russian“
behaved politically, "the more conservative he
was artistically"; in other words, he was convinced
that "the connection between avant-garde politics
and avant-garde art was of a purely verbal nature"
but that Soviet propaganda willingly exploited it.
(17) Malevich's "conservative"
turn in later life seems to correspond to this. Even
if the verbal radicalism of such statements is qualified
as poetic exaggeration and detached from realization
fantasies, it remains evident that the usual admiration
for the formal omits important dimensions and associations,
for the art institutions were fully integrated in the
strategy changes of all fields of art, that is, in the
transformation of art into culture. Moreover, Boris
Groys writes, "the Stalinist culture followed Western
innovations much more attentively than is commonly supposed,
and selected those which it considered to be the most
vigorous, optimistic and healthy, that is, the totalitarian
tendencies of the Western culture of the time. What
the Stalinist culture misrepresented as being its very
own proves, on closer examination, to have been borrowed
directly from the West. Even a superficial look at Stalinist
culture reveals great stylistic similarities with, for
example, Nazi Germany."
(18) Taking this idea a step further,
one could say that the Stalinist policy with regard
to "degenerate art" also followed Western
models; interestingly, however, in Russia the works
that were sifted out were usually preserved. In any
case, contradictions here and there or things that are
difficult to understand should not be too disturbing.
Demonstrations of power and temporarily negative, often
scarcely noticed "side effects" (the collateral
damage of today's military jargon) have often been accepted
without hesitation on the artistic level as well. That
is why Boris Groys is of the opinion that the greatness
of the Russian avant-garde, which he agrees is undisputed,
"cannot be separated from their readiness to assume
historic responsibility for their era and all its crimes".
(19) Whereas in the field of literature
Bulgakov, Akhmatova, Pasternak or Mandelstam "are
now generally canonized", "all Russian experts
today – with the exception of a few Western-oriented
enthusiasts who tend to agree with the theories of Western
experts – still consider the revival of the avant-garde
neither necessary nor desirable".
(20) According to Groys, this is also
a reason why analyses of the successions of suprematism,
constructivism, socialist realism, official and unofficial
art as well as the stretching and circumvention of censure
barriers have only been possible since the dissolution
of the Soviet Union in 1991. Unlike the West in Russia
prevailing views are still strongly affected by the
fact that "since the mid-1930s a very specific,
uniform artistic style has molded and shaped all aspects
of social life" and a specific concept of art as
"a means of communication addresses the observer".
(21)
If, as shown in a recent TV portrait of the New York
Museum of Modern Art (which was established in 1929
and given ist own building in 1939 – two dates
which have other well-known historical relevance), even
experts of this institution have no reservations about
calling art in the early Soviet Union an "enormously
optimistic experiment", the fact that these works
have all found homes in museums seems to have eliminated
every memory of the political use made of everything
"abstract" during the era of the Cold War
– as "free" art beloning to the West.
Such sterilizing categorizations can only be counteracted
by a perception of the thought processes and circumstances
that underlay them. "In the history of our species,
in the history of Homo sapiens", emphasized Joseph
Brodsky in his Nobel Prize acceptance speech of 1987
– a plea for painstaking differentiations of expression
that remain open to further development in thought and
ideas – "the book is an anthropological development,
similar essentially to the invention of the wheel. Having
emerged in order to give us some idea not so much of
our origins as of what that sapiens is capable of, a
book constitutes a means of transportation through the
space of experience, at the speed of a turning page.
This movement, like every movement, becomes flight from
the common denominator, from an attempt to elevate this
denominator's line, previously never reaching higher
than the groin, to our heart, to our consciousness,
to our imagination. This flight is the flight in the
direction of 'uncommon visage', in the direction of
the numerator, in the direction of autonomy, in the
direction of privacy. (22)
Viadimir Mayakovsk said similar things. "We know:
the future belongs to the camera, the radio feuilleton,
cinematic journalism", he stated, for example,
in the pre-television era; but even in view of mass
audiences, a book addressed to a small number of readers
can be highly necessary, as long as it is not directed
towards "consumers" but rather towards "producers".
(23) Some of
the examples collected in this volume may have been
intended for such "producers", no matter of
what age – for "in a certain sense all art
is, ultimately, a matter of orientation“ (Nabokov).
(24)
PS: It is well-known that one of the most memorable
scenes of recent times connected with children's books
has to do with US President George W. Bush. When news
of the attacks of September 11, 2001 was whispered in
his ear in a class-room of the Emma E. Booker Elementary
School in Sarasota, Florida, which he was visiting on
a good-will tour at the time, he remained – for
seven minutes, according to all the conscientious reports
– lost in thought, obviously in order to collect
himself or to win some time, staring into a book that
for this reason has now become famous: "My Pet
Goat". Dozens of Internet pages are filled with
speculations as to which edition it might have been.
The framed epigram in the background of this much-broadcast
scene is a reminder of something essential: "READING
MAKES A COUNTRY GREAT!“
(Translation: Beverly Blaschke)
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Sources
Note: All footnotes in this
text refer to the German-speaking sources used by the
author. With the exception of the excerpt from Joseph
Brodsky's acceptance speech on receiving the Nobel Prize
(referred to in footnote 22), the English version of
which was taken from the official Nobel Prize online
source http://nobelprize.org/index.html, quotations
were re-translated into English. English editions of
the works cited, if available, are indicated in brackets.
1 Karl Popper: Die offene Gesellschaft
und ihre Feinde (The Open Society and its Enemies),
first English edition London 1945, first German edition
Bern 1957; Munich 1977.
2 Hans Magnus Enzensberger: "Plädoyer
für den Hauslehrer"(1982), in: H. M. Enzensberger:
Politische Brosamen, Frankfurt am Main 1985. p. 161
ff.
3 Boris Groys: Gesamtkunstwerk Staiin.
Die gespaltene Kultur der Sowjetunion, Munich 1988,
pp. 17, 12, 19, 14.
4 Kasimir Malewitsch. Edited by Evelyn
Weiss, Cologne 1995, p. 127.
5 Kasimir Malewitsch:Suprematismus-DiegegenstandsloseWelt(1922),
edited by Werner Haftmann, Cologne 1989.
6 Boris Groys: Gesamtkunstwerk Stalin,
loc cit., p. 72.
7 Vladimir Nabokov: Erinnerung, sprich.
Wiedersehen mit einer Autobiographie (Speak, Memory.
An Autobiography Revisited, New York 1966), Reinbek
near Hamburg 1991, pp. 377, 381.
8 Boris Groys: Die Erfindung Rußlands,
Munich 1995, p. 115.
9 Josef W. Stalin, quoted in: Thomas
P. Hughes: Die Erfindung Amerikas. Der technologische
Aufstieg der USA seit 1870 (American Genesis. A Century
of Invention and Technological Enthusiasm, 1879-1970),
Munich 1991, p. 255.
10 Thomas P. Hughes: Die Erfindung
Amerikas (American Genesis), loc cit., pp. 156, 276.
11 Boris Groys: Gesamtkunstwerk Stalin,
loc cit., pp. 49, 67.
12 Nadeschda Mandelstam: Das Jahrhundert
der Wölfe, Frankfurt am Main 1971/1991, pp. 285,
298f.
13 Boris Groys: Die Erfindung Rußlands,
loc cit., p. 207.
14 Walter Benjamin: Moskauer Tagebuch,
Frankfurt am Main 1980, pp.19,120,108,144,77,82.
15 lbid., p. 43.
16 Boris Groys: Die Erfindung Rußlands,
loc cit., p. 95f.
17 Vladimir Nabokov: Erinnerung, sprich,
loc cit., p. 357.
18 Boris Groys: Die Erfindung Rußlands,
loc cit., p. 54.
19 Ibid., p. 101.
20 Boris Groys: Gesamtkunstwerk Stalin,
loc cit., p. 37.
21 Boris Groys: Die Erfindung Rußlands,
loc cit., pp. 146, 103.
22 Joseph Brodsky: Das Volk muß
die Sprache der Dichter sprechen. Rede bei der Entgegennahme
des Nobelpreises für Literatur, in: Joseph Brodsky:
Flucht aus Byzanz. Essays, Munich 1988, p. 14.
23 Wladimir Majakowski: Werke, edited
by Leonhard Kossuth, Frankfurt am Main 1980, Vol. V.2.,
Publizistik. Aufsätze und Reden, pp. 328, 299.
24 Vladimir Nabokov: Erinnerung, sprich
(Speak, Memory), loc cit., p. 293.
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